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"This groundbreaking history of the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) examines, for the first time in any language, how General Francisco Franco and his Nationalist forces managed state finance and economic production, and mobilized support from elites and middle-class Spaniards, to achieve their eventual victory over Spanish Republicans and the revolutionary left. The Spanish Nationalists are exceptional among counter-revolutionary movements of the twentieth century, Michael Seidman demonstrates, because they avoided the inflation and shortages of food and military supplies that stymied not only their Republican adversaries but also their counter-revolutionary counterparts - the Russian Whites and Chinese Nationalists. He documents how Franco's highly repressive and tightly controlled regime produced food for troops and civilians; regular pay for soldiers, farmers, and factory workers; and protection of property rights for both large and small landowners. These factors, combined with the Nationalists' pro-Catholic and anti-Jewish propaganda, reinforced solidarity in the Nationalist zone. Seidman concludes that, unlike the victorious Spanish Nationalists, the Russian and Chinese bourgeoisie were weakened by the economic and social upheaval of the two world wars and succumbed in each case to the surging revolutionary left."--Provided by publisher

At the outbreak of the Spanish Revolution in Barcelona in 1936, anarchosyndicalist militants and other revolutionaries quickly expropriated the cars and trucks in the city, painted the initials of their organizations on them, and drove around Barcelona at dangerously high speeds. Inexperienced drivers who disregarded traffic laws, these militants caused numerous accidents; their daily newspaper, Solidaridad Obrera, called them to order and asked them to drive safely and return the vehicles to the proper authorities. Their actions foreshadowed the era of the automobile in Spain.

Anti-fascism makes working or fighting against fscism the top priority, and two basic types of anti-fascism emerged in Europe and North America from 1936 to 1945. The first was revolutionary; the second was conservative and even counterrevolutionary. From the Munich Agreement to the fall of France, and in the face of strong isolationist opposition, US counterrevolutionary anti-fascists—who are usually labeled "interventionists" in the historiography—articulated to an increasingly sympathetic public how fascist regimes jeopardized the United States' national security and way of life.

Résumé Les événements de mai 1968 en France ont fasciné et continuent de fasciner les auteurs tant en Grande-Bretagne qu'aux États-Unis. Pour les historiens anglo-américains, la France a renoué avec sa position de terre de révolution de la fin du XVIII e siècle et du XIX e siècle. L'insistance sur le changement soudain, voire révolutionnaire, en 1968 a encouragé des recherches en histoire politique et en histoire événementielle. Le mois de mai a fini par représenter l'entière décennie des années soixante et les années qui ont précédé et suivi mai 68 — périodes de changement et de créativité considérables — sont négligées au détriment d'un point de focalisation sur les événements survenus au cours de quelques mois. L'historiographie en langue anglaise a surévalué les changements politiques et culturels provoqués par mai 1968 et n'a, dans la plupart des cas, pas encore utilisé de sources primaires.